The revolutionary mass movement in Bangladesh is at a critical juncture. A 17-member interim government has been established, including in it a few young leaders who emerged from the mass protests which toppled the government.
Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina fled the country on 6 August, protesters stormed her residence. But her party, the Awami League and its allies involved in corruption, remain largely intact. Meanwhile, the equally corrupt and undemocratic opposition party, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), a right-wing party that has a history of implementing policies against workers and youth, is also waiting to seize any opportunity that arises.
The continuation of the current situation, without decisive action to transfer power to democratically controlled committees of protesters, workers, and the poor, could enable reactionary forces to gradually regain strength. The student protesters already had to intervene on 9 August when a full court was convened, which they saw as an attempted “judicial coup”, undermining the new interim government. The Chief Justice resigned only after protesters surrounded the court.
Meanwhile, the Awami League has begun plotting its return, with Hasina’s son declaring on 10 August that she would return since she had not formally resigned before fleeing.
The interim government, sworn in on 8 August under the leadership of Muhammad Yunus, offers little in the way of a meaningful path forward. Yunus is known for his Nobel Prize-winning work in microcredit and microfinance, envisioned these tools for a new form of capitalism. But, in practice, they have only deepened poverty and widened the wealth gap in Bangladesh and other poor countries. Yunus, now a multi-millionaire, largely due to profits made from the poorest women in Bangladesh, still enjoys support from those who benefited from microfinance. His profile and past persecution by Hasina led to his selection as interim head by the Students Against Discrimination, an umbrella organisation of student protesters.
Yunus is presenting the establishment of the new government as a “new dawn of victory,” yet he consciously avoids detailing what this new dawn might actually entail. Under his leadership, it is unlikely to be one that challenges the root causes of the profit-driven, corrupt capitalist system.
Instead, Yunus remains an ally of both domestic capitalists and western capitalism, particularly US capitalism. His approach – seeking to ‘liberate’ people one microloan at a time – has so far grossly failed. He has long dismissed revolution as method to bring about change. Ironically, he now finds himself as the head of state following a revolutionary uprising. He cannot be allowed to oversee the transfer of power back to a section of the capitalist elite.
All reactionary, pro-capitalist forces, seeking to buy time, have now agreed to focus on two main issues: the establishment of so-called ‘peace and order’ and preparing for a ‘free and fair election’. Their aim is to disperse the crowds that currently hold power in the streets, sending protesters back home.
Various student and youth bodies, some hastily formed during the mass movement, have partly taken control of essential functions, including the distribution of food and medicine, traffic management, and more. In the name of ‘peace and order’, state institutions will wrest back control.
The notion that a new election alone will resolve all of the Bangladeshi workers, youth and poor’s demands is a fallacy. It is likely to bring back the same old guards, in new disguises. Critical questions remain unanswered: What is the solution to the economic crisis the country faces? What is the future of education, healthcare, and other essential services? How will food and other necessities be distributed to the poor and most deprived? How can trade union rights be restored? How can working conditions, including wages, be improved? Above all, who will be in charge of running society for the benefit of all? Neither the student leaders nor anyone in the interim government has addressed these vital questions.
The movement that began in June, initially sparked by the implementation of a 30% quota for the descendants of freedom fighters, has evolved far beyond the simple demand for quota reform. In an attempt to counter the opposition’s use of historical grievances, and the influence of freedom fighters’ families against her in the 2023 elections, Sheikh Hasina tried to shore up her support by increasing the quota. However, this backfired, igniting widespread discontent.
Opposition to the privileged families had been growing for years due to blatant corruption, manipulation of national exams, and other injustices that benefited only a segment of the middle class and the capitalist elite who dominate public offices. Millions have been left out of the so-called “Bangladesh miracle” of economic growth.
Textile workers, who were the backbone of this growth – helping Bangladesh become the world’s second-largest textile exporter – remain in dire in secure working conditions, earning meagre wages. Hasina, who came to power promising more democracy, better welfare, and social reforms, initially created some hope and expectations among some people. However, these hopes were quickly shattered as her rule saw many further plunged into poverty while her family and allies enriched themselves through corruption and plunder. The accumulated anger and despair found an outlet when she chose to confront the mass opposition with brutal force, leading to the deaths of hundreds of protesters.
The crackdown provoked a revolutionary mood across the country, ultimately leading to Hasina’s ousting. Although Hasina was forced to flee, the movement has so far failed to organise itself to push forward with clear demands that truly express the anger and aspirations of the masses. Simply handing power back to one faction of the capitalist elite or another will not bring about real change.
The movement in Bangladesh has much to learn from recent uprisings in Sudan, Sri Lanka, Chile, and elsewhere. These movements demonstrated the power to overthrow ruling elites and establish new societies. However, the realisation of this potential has been limited by two key factors, among other complications: the lack of democratically organised structures and a far-sighted programme.
A mass movement cannot be controlled like a tap, turning the flow of water on and off at will. When it surges, it reveals tremendous power – greater than any state or its institutions – capable of rendering these institutions powerless in a very short time. However, the movement alone will not automatically resolve the question of power.
Once the masses disperse, sections of the establishment, or what remains of it, will step in to fill the vacuum, effectively restoring the continuity of the old order. During this interim period, some protesters, particularly those who do not fully challenge the ruling elite and the capitalist order directly, may give the impression of sharing power.
Groups of so-called ‘professionals’, whether in Myanmar, Sudan, or the advisory committees established in Sri Lanka or Bangladesh, will not be allowed to hold power independently. They are often used as temporary solutions to quell the power of the streets or are absorbed into the establishment, sometimes even delivering blows to workers that the capitalist elite itself might avoid – similar to what we have seen in Chile under Gabriel Boric’s government. The only way to prevent this is to channel the energy, anger, and desires of the mass movement into organised, democratically-run structures.
The formation of committees in workplaces, universities, and among farmers, united at the national level through democratically elected representatives, is a crucial step in maintaining the connection to the masses and ensuring their presence in deciding the future they want. These structures must articulate the key demands of the movement and put forward a strategy and plan to achieve them. These demands and programme should express the aspirations of the masses and be discussed at all levels of such committees.
A programme could include the implementation of an emergency economic plan. The governor of Bangladesh’s central bank has now resigned. Instead of replacing him with another capitalist, the student movement could put forward a demand that banks and other key sectors of the economy are nationalised and put under workers’ control.
In addition, it could advance demands such as cancellation of all micro and macro debts, and the full nationalisation of health and education, bringing them under the control of democratically elected committees. Such a structure and programme would have the capacity to fulfil the full aspirations of the mass movement, going beyond immediate demands to establish a planned economy in the interests of all – a socialist society that could serve as a beacon for all those in struggle across the region and beyond.
Such an organised approach has not yet emerged or been articulated in Bangladesh. At the very least, the current student leaders should advocate for dismantling all corrupt private influences within the education sector and beyond, while calling for the election of a constituent assembly – an assembly of representatives from all sectors of society to oversee the creation of a new constitution and governance structure that reflects the will of the masses.
The Bangladeshi diaspora, which is powerful and has so far shown support for the mass movement, could play a significant role as well. An international solidarity committee of the diaspora could be established to support and participate in the discussions within the country, helping to articulate a way forward. This committee could also take action and advance policies that align with the interests of the masses in their host countries, breaking with those who support the wealthy and corrupt elites.
The elite’s grip on Bangladeshi society must be challenged by building opposition from below, building a workers’ party, and adopting a far-sighted socialist programme. The revolutionary mass movement has opened up new opportunities to achieve this.
