Trump and the new world order 

The national congress of the CWI in England & Wales (Socialist Party) took place from 15th-17th March, eight weeks after Donald Trump’s inauguration as US president for the second time. TONY SAUNOIS, secretary of the International Secretariat of the Committee for a Workers International (CWI), introduced the discussion on world perspectives. The following article is based on  his speech. 

 The explosive political and social situation in Britain is against the background of a new historic conjuncture internationally. In the world events we see unfolding in 2025 the decisive processes mean that there can be no isolated national perspectives or analysis. This has always been the case, yet it is even more so today. 

If we say that the world is at an historic turning point how is the world situation characterised? The coming to power of the Trump regime brings with it a new world order. It signifies a sharp rupture from the previous post-second world war era. The ascendency of the Trump regime reflects a new dystopian, protracted death agony of capitalism. 

Bolshevism, the CWI and the working class have never confronted such a situation as exists today. On the one hand there is an intense, highly polarised crisis of capitalism which involves the break-down of capitalist equilibrium in the world economy, geo-political relations, class relations and the environment. On the other hand there is the absence of a large or mass political voice of the working class in the form of a party which advocates an alternative social system, that of socialism. A new society which is objectively possible and more essential than ever. 

World events are taking place at the speed of lightening. Dramatic changes are taking place not by the year, month, week or day but by the hour. The world situation is currently full of many uncertainties as the old order is being ripped apart. Nobody in the current generation has experienced what is unfolding or what the short and medium-term future beholds. Such polarisation and conflicts today have not been seen since prior to the second world war. Although there are many differences with that era including the presence of a mass socialist consciousness and political organisations of the working class which are generally absent today. 

It is necessary to be thoroughly prepared to apply the theoretical method of Marxism in this new situation along with active intervention in the class struggle and social upheavals taking place. Only thus will it be possible to navigate our way through the tsunami of events and upheavals unfolding.  

We can agree with the French president, Emmanuel Macron – or he can agree with us – that the world today cannot be viewed through the prism of the past. It cannot be viewed through the prism of the post-second world war settlement, the collapse of the former Stalinist states between 1989 and 1992, the economic crisis of 2007-2009 or the Covid pandemic, even though these events impact on todays’ situation. Routine repetition of formulae which corresponded to a previous era do not fit today. As Trotsky warned, to do so in a new era would be a mistake for revolutionaries.  

Trump 2.0 

The coming to power of Benjamin Netanyahu in Israel, Narendra Modi in India, Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil and Vladimir Putin in Russia were a preludes to the first assumption of the US presidency by Trump while Milei in Argentina heralded Trump’s second term. The Trump regime at the head of US imperialism takes these trends to a new higher level. Trump 2.0 can be characterised as a bourgeois nationalist, populist regime with pronounced bonapartist features. It is not a mere repetition of Trump 1.0. It has assumed power with clearer objectives domestically and internationally and is comprised of a more hardcore committed cabal, despite the erratic inconsistent characteristics that it demonstrates. It is like a modern-day version of Rasputin’s court camarilla in pre-revolutionary Tsarist Russia.  

Although Trump’s presidency echoes some of the policies of former right-wing presidents like Ronald Reagan, it is not merely a continuation of them. It has many their reactionary features but on a deeper level including stronger features of bonapartist methods of rule. Trump has eviscerated the federal government; subjugated Congress; defied court orders and denounced judges; deported immigrants and arrested protesters without due process; cut down free speech at universities and cultural institutions. Moreover, the domestic and international backgrounds against which Trump is ruling are decisively different from Reagan and other right-wing US governments. Rule by Presidential decree, attempts to by-pass or circumvent previously accepted checks and balances along with legal and repressive methods all illustrate these crucial differences. 

The US capitalist class, or the main sections of it, have lost control of the Republican Party. The reactionary ideology espoused by previously fringe sects like Q-Anon have now occupied central stage. Moreover, as Trump has emphasised, his is a movement – MAGA, ready to be mobilised should the Republican Party apparatus move to block or frustrate his regime. 

Crucially it has also moved the new ‘masters of the universe’ – the new bourgeois from the tech sector to the centre of the political establishment. This represents a group of the ruling class which is extremely powerful. It is also, as has begun to be seen, the potential source of division and conflict within the regime itself. 

Yet why has such a regime managed to seize power in the most powerful if declining imperialist power? Trump is a demagogue, erratic and makes populist appeals. Yet this was not the reason he managed to win the presidency. As Trotsky commented in relation to Hitler, his demagogy and other characteristics were not the reason he triumphed. He managed to seize power because of the failure of everything which preceded him politically.  

Trump is not a fascist, but a right-wing populist, but his assession to power has been a consequence of the failure of all that preceded it. The crisis of liberal bourgeois society and its political institutions and absence of a mass socialist alternative from the working class is the root cause of his coming to power. Liberal bourgeois democracy globally cannot offer a solution or stability to the global crisis which exists.  

Trumpism is a product of the decline of US imperialism and the failure of liberal capitalist political parties and institutions to correspond to the era of capitalist decay and decomposition. The crisis of bourgeois democracy and its incapacity to offer a stable solution or form of rule in this era is an element present in many countries and has resulted in a “democratic deficit” especially in areas of Asia, Africa and Latin America. In a different form, and to a lesser extent, this tendency is also beginning to be reflected in the industrialised capitalist countries with the electoral defeats of many outgoing governments.  

The failure of capitalist democracy in some areas of the neo-colonial world to develop the economy or society, riddled with corruption against the background of social and economic disintegration has resulted in increasing support for military intervention to “bring order” and develop the economy and society. The apparent development of ‘authoritarian’ China has re-enforced this idea. This can and does get an echo amongst a minority even in the industrialised capitalist countries. It is important for Marxists to respond to this and raise democratic demands and oppose the repressive bonapartist measures that are being introduced in many countries. 

Great accelerator and disrupter 

Initially big sections of the bourgeoisie in the US and internationally who opposed Trump largely capitulated or acquiesced to him. This was reflected at the 2025 Davos meeting where the representatives of global capitalism were fawning over him. Internationally this has changed as major conflicts have opened due to Trumps foreign policy. This is beginning and will increasingly take place in the US with important splits developing amongst the US ruling class. 

Like Covid, Trump is acting like the great accelerator of all the underlying contradictions and conflicts present in capitalist society. He is also the great destabiliser. Domestic policy is a continuation of foreign policy. The Trump regime is a feature of the decline of US imperialism. Trotsky commented that with the decline of British imperialism in the 19th century before recourse to new political forms and methods all the classes attempted to “ransack the old storerooms, to turn the old clothes of their grandfathers and grandmothers inside out.” There is an element of this in the US today.  

Despite the decline of US imperialism Trump has attempted to revert to naked imperial rule and imposition using the economic might at its disposal but so far without military intervention, apart from Yemen. Thus, he laid claim to the Panama Canal and Greenland as soon as taking office and demanded Mexico and Colombia accept flights of deported migrants from the US. Then in relation to the Ukraine war, representatives of Putin’s Russia met US officials in Saudi Arabia to discuss the carve-up of Ukraine without Zelensky or other representatives of Ukrainian capitalism present. When Czechoslovakia was partitioned in 1938 its representatives were left in an adjacent hotel room. Zelensky was not even on the same continent.  

Reflecting the weak character of the bourgeois in countries in the neo-colonial world Mexico and Colombia capitulated to Trump’s demands. BlackRock has acquired the ports on the Panama Canal and Zelensky has surrendered US imperialism over a deal on minerals in Ukraine, although the war seems set to continue, allowing Putin to buy time and win more land in Ukraine. 

The dominant global conflict is between a relative decline in the position of US imperialism and the rise of China. After the initial invasion of Ukraine, western imperialism seemed to coalesce into one bloc around NATO. On the other side there was a certain trend towards the emergence of an entirely unstable grouping around China and Russia in the BRIC countries. The strengthening of the BRICS, with the inclusion of such countries as Indonesia, its summit in Moscow reflected this trend. However, it was unstable, containing many contradictions and internal conflicts. Both these developments have been largely ripped apart since Trump came to power. It reflects the multi-polar world that now exists and Trumps’ excursion into international relations. 

Trump also has partially and temporarily tacked away from a full confrontation with China. This partially reflects the pressure from Elon Musk, Jeff Bezos and others who need the markets which exist in China. The epicentre of the conflict has temporarily shifted to a conflict with the EU and European capitalism.  

Global arms race 

The capitalist leaders of Europe have watched the old post-second world war settlement between Europe and the US disintegrate before their eyes. If the old alliance has not yet been totally ruptured it is at this stage traumatised by a massive fracture. Triggered by the changed stance of US imperialism towards the war in Ukraine and Trump’s determination to establish closer relations with Putin’s Russia.  

Europe’s ruling classes are having to come to terms with the disengagement of the US from the European alliance. Consequently, they have unleashed a massive militarisation programme. Germany has conclusively broken from its post-1945 stance and launched a rearmaments programme of 100 billion euros in 2022. Now that has been followed by the parties now planning the new post-election government agreeing to spend an extra 500 billion euros on the military. Poland is aiming to build a 500,000 strong army and is calling for nuclear weapons to be deployed on its soil. A major European and global arms race is underway. This is being echoed by a nuclear arms race which will involve multiple countries rather than the two main camps where it took place prior to the collapse of the former Stalinist regimes in the USSR and Eastern Europe. In some countries conscription or partial conscription is being introduced or prepared for.  

In the event of a ceasefire in Ukraine the idea of a ‘re-assurance force’ involving up to 30,000 troops from 15 countries has been raised, although it is not certain that this will materialise. A cease fire is far from certain. Putin is aiming to buy time to strengthen his position. Any peace-keeping force runs the likely risk of becoming embroiled in a military conflict with Russia at some stage. While this would probably not mean a full war, it could develop into a serious conflict, which is why such an intervention is not certain. Any deal, if struck, could result in the downfall of Zelensky, who has been facing unstable support.  

As in the other capitalist wars currently being fought there is no independent opposition present by the working class. There can be no solution to this war on a capitalist basis. The building of an independent movement of the working class in Ukraine and Russia that embraces a programme to unite both Ukrainian and Russian workers’ with a programme to defend the democratic and national rights of all and that can lead to the establishment of a workers’ governments in both countries is the only way to resolvve this conflict. 

Internationally the ideological collapse of the socialist left and absence of an independent working-class alternative has resulted in the mass of the population being driven to simply support one side or the other. 

Trump has intervened in the conflict promising an end to it within 24 hours! His boast thus far remains unfulfilled. The withdrawal of support for Ukraine by the US will mean that in the event of any peace agreement Putin will gain concessions and probably land.  

Middle East cauldron 

The ceasefire brokered by the US in Gaza has inevitably collapsed. Netanyahu probably agreed to the so-called ceasefire as a means of securing the release of more hostages. 

Hamas, although undoubtedly severely weakened has not been destroyed. Nor can it be militarily. The former US secretary of State, Anthony Blinken, claimed that it has recruited more fighters than it has lost during the war. It has undoubtedly used the ‘ceasefire’ to begin training these new fighters. Netanyahu had no intention of taking the process to stage two. Trump’s erratic suggestion to expel the Palestinian people from Gaza and turn it into a Middle Eastern Riviera property investment possibly had coaxed Netanyahu to accept phase one. Trump’s plan has been supported not only by Netanyahu but the Israeli bourgeois opposition. 

In reality, the ceasefire was a myth as repression of the Palestinian people continued in Gaza and was viciously stepped up in the West Bank. Now the process has collapsed as the war has started again in an increased genocidal assault in what seems a brutal effort to expel the Palestinian population from Gaza. 

Trump’s Gaza proposal was strongly rejected by the Egyptian, Jordanian and Saudi regimes. Mainly because they fear the ‘Arab street’ would explode should a policy of ethnic cleansing be driven through by an onslaught of the IDF. They are also terrified that an influx of over two million Palestinians would destabilise their respective countries. Although not in the main expressed in mass protests at this stage amongst the Arab masses there is fury and anger combined with deep solidarity with the Palestinian people.  

However, the massive assault and attempt at ethnic cleansing being launched against the Palestinian people by the Netanyahu regime could reach such intensity that the Palestinian masses are forced to flee Gaza and relocate to possibly Egypt or Jordan or elsewhere. This could eventually compel the regimes in Egypt, Jordan or elsewhere to establish camps for ‘humanitarian reasons’. Such a development would leave an inerasable scar on the consciousness of the Palestinian and Arab masses. 

During the recent crisis Iran and Hezbollah in Lebanon have been weakened. Israel is asserting itself as the strongest regional power. At the same time, Saudi Arabia is asserting itself and attempting to step into the vacuum in the region following the weakening of Iran, witness its hosting of ‘peace talks’ for both the Gaza war and Ukraine. The prospect of a return to the rapprochement between Israel and Saudi Arabia is massively complicated by the objective of Netanyahu and Trump of wanting to drive the Palestinian population out of Gaza. Like its counter-parts in Egypt and Jordan the Saudi regime is under intense pressure from its youthful population who are massively supportive of the Palestinian masses and opposed to the brutal repression they are suffering. 

As the CWI has argued, there is no possible solution to this carnage within capitalism. What is lacking, like in the Ukraine, is an independent class movement that can offer a way forward for the Palestinian masses to establish a Palestinian state on a socialist basis, unite the Arab masses in a struggle against the tyrannical regimes which rule the Arab world and appeal to the Israeli working class and masses with a programme that would guarantee the democratic and national rights of the Israeli population. The formation of a voluntary democratic socialist federation of the region is the only way out of the impasse which would defend the rights of all the peoples of the region. On a capitalist basis there is no solution to the bloodbath. 

The ascent of Trump and weakening of Iran has resulted in the ‘reformers’ in the Iranian regime being weakened and the hardliners reasserting their position. A highly unstable situation exists in Iran, with massive opposition to the regime which could explode. At the same time, Netanyahu and Trump want the removal of the Iranian regime. It is a strong possibility that they will take the opportunity of the weakened Iran to launch a strike. This prospect would heighten should the Iranian regime move towards developing nuclear weapons to defend itself. This is not excluded. The entire process points towards continued and increased upheaval and bloody conflict in the region. 

The impossibility of resolving the conflict within capitalism has been illustrated in Syria. Western imperialisms’ euphoria at the downfall of the reactionary repressive Assad regime has been short lived as conflict and war has erupted. With no independent organisations of the working class and poor in Syria, with now a new extended Israeli occupation in the south, is in reality de-facto partitioned into differing groups. This is now a feature of other countries in the neo-colonial world such as Libya, Iraq, Myanmar and elsewhere. A disintegration of former nation states, often artificially thrown together by western imperialism has taken place. This can develop further in some countries as the crisis of global capitalism intensifies with devastating consequences in Asia, Africa and Latin America.  

Global conflicts 

Multiple flash points of other conflicts are also present in the current multi-polar world that are likely to accelerate under the Trump regime. The most important is between US imperialism and China, something that partly explains Trump’s attempts to loosen Russia’s links with China. Despite the dominance of the wars in Gaza and Ukraine, which have assumed a global element, the conflict between a declining US imperialism and the rise of China is decisive. Conflicts between the two main global powers over Taiwan and expanding Chinese influence throughout the region and Asia in general inevitably will intensify in this new era we are now in. The development of China, a special form of state capitalism, however also has its limits. There is an economic and social crisis unfolding in China which is certain to see explosive developments in this era. 

At the same time, other horrific wars, for example in Sudan and the Democratic Republic of Congo, are hypocritically ignored in the capitalist west. These are bloodbaths with barely a mention in the capitalist media in the west. Other conflicts can also erupt, including in  – in the Balkans, for example. 

This is now an era of putrefying capitalism. Not only is it incapable of playing a socially progressive role. It is now dragging society backwards. The multi-polar world has ushered in an era of wars: military, trade and class. Marx commented that capitalism entered the stage of history dripping in blood. It is poised to leave it in the same manner.   

Trotsky pointed out that a “completed epoch defines itself with the greatest clarity – before its collapse”. Although not at the point of imminent collapse the era capitalism is passing through is being clearly defined. 

Against the background of these world events many are fearful of the prospect of a third world war and a nuclear conflict. This is understandable when looking at the world today. However, a third world war, which would be nuclear, is not posed at this stage. It would not only destroy the working class but capitalism itself. 

However, such is the crisis unfolding it is not excluded that in some war or conflict a tactical nuclear weapon or other horrific weapon of mass destruction could be used by one or other of the bonapartist regimes which exist or can come to power. As Marx pointed out, “Capitalism left unchecked carries within it destructive tendencies that can harm and ultimately destroy humanity.” These tendencies are evident in today’s world. Moreover, as we see in Ukraine and Gaza, major regional wars can develop which assume a global element. Even more serious conflicts can erupt. 

Marxists deal with political economy. The global geopolitical and national conflicts taking place are also part of the economic situation in which capitalism finds itself. The multi-polar world is reflected with the onset of increased tariffs and trade wars. Trump has ratcheted the threat of trade wars to a new level. Yet Biden also applied increased tariffs. The introduction of higher tariffs on steel and aluminium and other fields by Trump, combined with other factors in the world economy such as the massive mushrooming of global debt, makes the prospect of a global recession in 2025 more likely. The debt crisis can be one element that triggers a global financial crisis even greater than 2008. At the same time, inflation has not been resolved. Despite a dip in some countries, it remains and is likely to increase. 

Trump’s policy of low energy costs – at the expense of the environment – through ‘drill baby drill’ and other measures may have some effect but will not eradicate inflation from the global economy. The risk of stagflation in many countries is now a serious threat. 

The massive increase in military expenditure globally may have some impact in some sectors of the economy in some countries. Yet it will not allow capitalism an escape route from the organic crisis it faces economically. 

Social uprisings 

Trump’s base is amongst those to be hardest hit because of the policies his regime is implementing.  The brutal sackings of federal workers and closure of government departments by the Musk-headed DOGE is a harbinger of the attacks that will rain down on workers in the US, including Trump supporters. 

The prospect of big social explosions and upheavals in the US are on the order of the day. Social uprisings in response to the racist immigration programme by black, Latino and migrant workers are implicit in the situation.  

The growth of union membership amongst federal workers and the polls indicating overwhelming support or sympathy for trade union are an anticipation of struggle to build and transform the trade union that will rock US society. Some of the most militant class fighters can come from some of those who voted for Trump.  

The current US trade union bureaucracy has been unable to capitalise on this potential, indeed some are supporting Trump’s tariffs as being good for jobs. Thus, trade union density is at its lowest for 100 years despite the positive view by millions to the idea of trade unions. This however can rapidly change with the eruption of class battles. 

The massive polarisation which exists in US society is reflected in the political situation. In the US the degree of polarisation can lead to sharp and violent clashes with features of civil war evident. The clash between the federal presidency and various states is being manifest already and can intensify, leading to centrifugal tendencies within the dis-United States of America.    

Trump at this stage is attempting to act as a 19th century monarch and is holding his court in check. However, divisions can and will open. The inclusion of the erratic Musk and others from the tech masters of the universe are exacerbating this prospect. It is not excluded that at a certain stage other sections of the bourgeoisie may attempt, through one means or another, to remove Trump. Even should Trump be removed or defeated, by whatever means, it will not signify a return to ‘stability’ or ‘normality’ nor the end of Trumpism. Vance is well placed to take up the mantle of leading right-wing populism in the US.  

Trump and his hardened supporters however will fight to the bitter end to maintain his regime. Any attempt to do so will result in  brutal conflict including within the US state machine itself. These developments are symptomatic of the decline of empire and US imperialism.  

The polarisation of wealth, social division and conflict in the US are also crucial ingredients globally. Capitalism in its entire history has never seen such a massive chasm between the super-rich and the rest of the population. This is a feature in all countries. It is necessary to go back to the Roman empire to see such a gap. In the second century CE it is estimated that the richest 1.5% of the Roman empire’s population held 20% of the wealth. (Although such figures are an approximation). Today globally the richest 1.5% pocket 47% of global wealth.  

Within this global oligarchy in the billionaires’ club there has been the emergence of a new section of the capitalist class in the tech sector. They are the fastest growing section of the ruling classes internationally and have their own features, driven by the motive of making the quickest buck possible. Eight of the top ten billionaires are now from this layer. There are 342 tech billionaires at the last count – the largest group in this elite club which now totals 2,781, with a combined worth of US$14.2 trillion! The top 20 of them have added US$700 billion to their net worth since 2023!   

This is the source of bitter anger amongst the masses in most countries as millions are being driven further into poverty and destitution. The massive polarisation of wealth, a too large military machine and other factors ultimately contributed to the fall of Rome. These elements are present today in capitalism in this era. As a social system it is broken and is unable to take society forward. The objective need for it to be placed in the rubbish bin of history and replaced by socialism is more necessary and urgent than ever. 

Socialist consciousness 

Capitalism has rested on its state machine, political parties, institutions and infrastructure. They are all in the process of being discredited to varying degrees in different countries. However, the alternative, in the form of support for socialism as an alternative social system with parties to fight for it is not yet present in a significant or semi-mass form. This is one of the major differences today when compared to previous eras of deep capitalist crisis. 

Marx commented that the tradition of all dead generations weighs like a nightmare on the brains of the living. The legacy of the collapse of the former Stalinist regimes in the former USSR and Eastern Europe, alongside the political degeneration of most former workers’ parties into pro-capitalist formations, and the consequential throwing back of socialist consciousness as an alternative social system is still present. In a sense it is felt more today than when those historic events took place after 1989 due to the current depth of capitalist crisis and conflict. 

This obstacle will eventually be overcome. It will need a series of big class battles, uprisings and movements and attempts to challenge the system. Through these experiences the working class, can become not a class of itself but a class for itself. 

In general, we have been in an era of political populism of both a left and right-wing form. The populist left, epitomised by Podemos in Spain and Syriza in Greece reflected the anger and demand for change from the masses but they did not advocate socialism as an alternative social system. In the main these transitional formations accommodated themselves to capitalism and lost the support and momentum they enjoyed. 

The vacuum that has existed has allowed the populist right to step in, grow and in some cases come to power. Le Pen in France, the FPÖ in Austria, Trumpism and more recently the AfD in Germany are part of this process. The absence of a large or mass socialist alternative at this stage has allowed the populist right to generally have the upper hand electorally in many countries. This has tended to reflect a more hardened, consolidated base amongst layers of those drawn towards them.  

However the far right’s rise can also provoke a counter-movement as seen in Germany this year where the doubling of the AfD’s support before February’s election led to a sharp rise in the Left Party’s vote and the virtual doubling of its membership in the first months of this year. Now the question is whether this growth leads to the Left Party adopting a clear socialist strategy or whether there will be a continuation of a willingness to participate in pro-capitalist government coalitions, a policy which led to the party’s near collapse last year and has helped fuel the AfD’s rise.

The right-wing populist parties, despite their reactionary character, are not the same as fascism. Although, some like the AfD in Germany do include a fascistic element. Trump is not fascist. Trotsky however made an important analysis regarding Hitler when he argued his coming to power was not the product of popular rhetoric or personal characteristics. The triumph of fascism in Germany reflected the failure of everything had gone before. The same applies to the right-wing populists today. They have emerged, in some cases winning power, because of the failure of everything that has gone before and the absence of a socialist alternative. The ascent of these forces has also resulted in the ‘centre’ traditional parties often adopting the rhetoric and some of the programme of these parties. Particularly on migration and some other issues.  

At the same time, divisions and crisis can hit the right-wing populist parties in power or before they come to power. The wind they have in their sails at this stage can turn into storms which can shipwreck such organisations. 

Working-class struggle 

The prospect of massive struggles by the working class and other social upheavals will be one of the decisive questions in this era. How they develop will ultimately decide the future of humankind. The strike wave which shook Britain, like significant strikes in Germany, in 2023/4 were an anticipation of even bigger struggles to come. Recent mass protests in Belgium further illustrated this. The massive general strike against martial law in South Korea illustrates the potential power of the working class and mass movement as does the uprising which took place in Serbia. The perspective of the CWI of multiple uprisings was confirmed by the social revolt which shook Chile, Sri Lanka, Sudan and a series of other countries. These were a down payment of even more powerful movements. 

Thus far the obstacles of weak organisation, confused political consciousness, lack of a revolutionary programme to overthrow the capitalist order and establish governments of the workers’ and poor, and lack of mass revolutionary parties has meant these movement have gone into retreat or in some cases, like Sudan, were defeated.   

Marxists and revolutionaries must enthusiastically embrace these and other movements. It is necessary to engage with them to draw the lessons from them to assist them draw the necessary conclusions of how capitalism and the ruling class can be overthrown and replaced with governments of the working class and poor. 

The ideological collapse of the official left has undoubtedly complicated the situation resulting in opportunities not being grasped and the movement taken forward. In the US, Bernie Sanders is currently organising very large local meetings expressing anger at the Trump regime and general situation. However, he is attempting to channel the anger back into the dead-end of the capitalist Democratic Party rather than pose the issue of building a new workers’ party. 

The ideological collapse of much of the so-called left and its avoidance of putting forward a radical socialist alternative to capitalism is particularly stark at this historic conjuncture.   

Through a series of struggles and battles a new generation of class fighters will emerge that can begin to draw the socialist conclusions necessary to break with capitalism. This process is at an early stage, but it has begun. The CWI can assist this process and strengthen the forces of revolutionary socialism which is an essential task today. 

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