What do the mass demonstrations against the AfD mean and how can the movement continue?
An impressive wave of protests has developed in recent weeks against the strengthening of the AfD (see here). However, in order to be able to build a successful movement from this, important questions must be clarified.
One record number chases the next. Hundreds of thousands of people took part in Berlin, Munich and Hamburg. But even in cities like Rostock, almost 10,000 were on the streets. Here it was the largest demonstration against right-wing extremism in twenty years.
Reason for Hope
The sheer size of the demonstrations sends an important signal, as the AfD or other forces of the extreme right have not yet been able to mobilize such masses of people. It confirms that there is no simple “shift to the right” in society, but a polarization. The demonstrations express that the majority continues to be clearly opposed to the AfD.
This is an important encouragement for activists who oppose the far-right, especially in regions where it is particularly strong. At the demonstrations, there was a feeling of euphoria among many people, because few had expected such a large participation. Nevertheless, it is important that we take a sober look at the weaknesses of the protests and draw conclusions for the next steps.
Character of the Protests
So far, the demonstrations have been organized by forces such as Fridays for Future, churches, NGOs such as Campact, anti-racist or anti-fascist organizations and various civil society forces. In Hamburg, the initiative came from an entrepreneur, in some places all established parties, including the Christian Democrats (CDU) were involved. The political orientation of the demonstrations, including the stage speeches, differed considerably from place to place. In Pirna, Saxony, Prime Minister Kretschmer spoke, and in Munich there was again a lot of criticism of the ‘traffic light’, or Ampel, coalition government from the left-wing organizers.
In general, the protests so far have not gone beyond a moral rejection of the AfD, its racism and the deportation plans that have become known. Conservative parties from the CDU/CSU to the Social-Democratic Party (SPD) and the Greens, both part of the governing coalition, tried to capitalize on this, declaring the demonstrations for “lived protection of the constitution”. At one of the first demonstrations in Potsdam, Chancellor Olaf Scholz, and Minister for Foreign Affairs, Annalena Baerbock, appeared in the front row. This is a transparent attempt to co-opt the movement and distract from its own crisis. The year began with large protests by farmers against cuts and strikes in various sectors – the government is more unpopular than any in recent decades. Now millions are taking to the streets against the AfD. The Ampel parties in particular – the SDP, the Greens and the Free Democratic Party (FDP) – have an interest in taking their side in order to hide their own responsibility for the rise of the AfD as much as possible and to win back lost support.
The trade unions and DIE LINKE (the Left Party) are also involved, but so far they have often only been involved as individual members and not as a driving and organizing force. So far, the protests have been very broad-based. Many were at a demonstration for the first time and represented broad sections of society. In addition to classic leftists, there were more (left) liberal bourgeois, as well as the political and economic establishment, which sees its own economic interests and political stability endangered by an AfD that is too strong. The protests therefore have a “cross-class” character – which becomes a problem if one wants to look at the causes of the AfD’s rise.
Fighting the Causes
We cannot avoid the question of why the AfD is currently so strong and has long since become an integral part of the German party system. If you look beyond the country’s borders, it is striking that the strength of right-wing populist and right-wing extremist parties is an international phenomenon and that in the USA there is currently every indication that Donald Trump will again run as a candidate for the most important political office on the planet.
Despite all the country-specific differences, the causes for the strengthening of the extreme right are basically the same. The crisis of capitalism goes hand in hand with an increasing polarization of society.
The wealth of a tiny minority is taking on more and more ludicrous forms, while many millions of people are fighting for their livelihoods: rising costs for rents and energy and high prices for everyday goods. The escalating conflicts between the imperialist powers are leading to an increase in wars. The consequences of military conflicts, the great poverty and the increasingly clear consequences of climate change are the causes of the worldwide refugee movement. Together, this leads to uncertainty in large parts of the population. The feeling that the “world is out of joint” intensifies.
However, it is not an automatic reaction that racism is increasing. The ruling class has no solution to offer for any of the great problems of our time in the interests of working people. A decisive reason for the strengthening of the AfD is the massive loss of legitimacy of the established parties, which offer the basically same pro-capitalist policies in different colours. This has created the space for the AfD to act as an opposition in the first place – even though it itself represents neoliberal, anti-working class policies. Their racism is also linked to the policies and statements of politicians of the established parties, for example when CDU leader Merz talks about “little pashas” or the Ampel government itself enforces more deportations.
Against this background, the extreme right can appeal with its propaganda in the first place. There can only be one conclusion from this mixed situation: the bourgeois parties are part of the problem. Therefore, a movement against the AfD must also be directed against the policy of social cuts and state racism of the bourgeoisie.
Role of the Left and Trade Unions
It would now be the responsibility of left-wing parties to oppose this and show who the real culprits are. They would have to propose a program on how we can get the money from the rich and super-rich to tackle the social problems and those who are really responsible. This is because the majority of the population, regardless of origin, skin colour, gender, etc., has a common interest in affordable housing, higher wages, a needs-based health care system, etc. These common interests must be emphasized in the fight against the AfD. Today’s possibilities of science and technology enable us humans to solve all major problems. In the context of capitalism, however, this is utopian. There needs to be a connection between today’s struggles and the idea of a fundamentally different, truly democratic and socialist society.
Unfortunately, in recent years, “left” parties such as Podemos in Spain or Syriza in Greece have failed almost everywhere and lost a lot of trust. The same applies to DIE LINKE in Germany. Through its participation in government at the level of the municipalities and the states, it manages the shortage, is responsible for cuts, for example, and implements deportations. This makes it part of the establishment for many people. This is especially true in East Germany, where the AfD has long since wrested the image of a protest party away from Die Linke.
With its program on migration, which in fact corresponds to that of the established parties, the split around Sarah Wagenknecht (see here) contributes to the cementing of the division into “natives” and immigrants and fuels racist prejudices – and it no longer questions the capitalism that causes the social problems. This may weaken the AfD in elections in the short-term, but it will not avert the danger it poses.
But the trade union leaderships also bear responsibility for the rise of the AfD. Common class struggle makes it clear where the real boundaries lie – not within workforces or working class neighbourhoods, but between top and bottom. Such experiences are central to pushing back racism in society – because at the same time they provide the prerequisite for recognizing why racist ideas weaken this common struggle. However, the social partnership orientation of the trade union leaderships and the proximity of many of their leaders to the established parties prevent such struggles from being waged consistently and accompanied by political campaigns that direct the justified discontent in society against those really responsible – namely capitalist politicians and capital. In the workplaces and even among trade unionists, there are now quite a few AfD voters who will not be convinced by moral anti-racism arguments. Racism needs a social breeding ground and it must be drained.
The trade unions must show what is necessary for this. This means that they must consistently lead the necessary trade union struggles, but also take up resistance to the government’s anti-working class policies. In concrete terms, this would mean starting a campaign against the austerity policy, which would start with works meetings, debates in all committees, mass distribution of argumentation and mobilization material and should lead to a nationwide demonstration as a first step. In the context of such a campaign, the anti-worker and anti-union policies of the AfD would have to be clarified at the same time. Ultimately, however, trade unionists must also face the question of the need for party-political representation for the wage-dependent population and should begin to raise the question of how a real workers’ party can emerge in the trade unions.
Is the AfD fascist?
This question is now answered by many with “yes”. Based on this, the danger is seen that (bourgeois) democracy is at stake. Many of the hand signs that can be seen at the demonstrations refer to the year 1933, when Hitler became Chancellor of the Reich and the fascist dictatorship was heralded.
It is right to point out the danger posed by the AfD. This is not only about their parliamentary strength and the increasing probability that the party can be part of a government in the next few years, at least at the state level. The AfD is an openly racist party, it has made a massive contribution to making racism more socially acceptable. Not only in social media, but also on the street, racist slogans are being made more openly than was the case before the AfD was founded. The party acts as an accelerant for the division of the working class and thus plays into the hands of the rulers.
Since its founding in 2013, the AfD has become more and more radicalized. From a right-wing conservative to a right-wing extremist party. In East Germany, the tone is set by those forces around Björn Höcke who also have no fear of contact with openly fascist forces. The influence of the more “moderate” part of the AfD has decreased significantly in recent years. Unfortunately, it is nothing new that the mass deportation of people is being demanded more and more openly, even if they have been living in Germany for a long time. Undoubtedly, there are relevant sections of the party that dream of some kind of “national revolution”.
Nevertheless, the AfD is not a fascist party. This does not trivialize them: it is a matter of arriving at a correct analysis in order to combat them with the correct methods. Fascist parties rely on a program and methods of (mass) terror against leftists, trade unionists, migrants, women, minorities, dissenters etc. This requires a cadre and thugs to organize the “fight for the streets”. Historically, they recruited them mainly from the sections of the middle classes declassed by capitalism. Fascists ultimately aim to abolish all forms of democracy.
In any case, the AfD has connections to fascist circles and personal overlaps, especially in the now dominant ‘völkisch-wing’ and in its youth league. But the party as a whole has not yet embarked on such a course – and could not do so without risking a considerable part of its electoral support.
We are also not facing a situation like 1933 because the social conditions are different. The transfer of power to the Nazis was the result of a whole period of intensified class struggles and attempts at revolution in Germany. It was also the result of conscious support for decisive parts of German capital. Attempts at socialist change by the working class had failed after 1918 and in the 1920s, but German capital did not see the danger averted. The Nazis, a mass terrorist movement of the petty bourgeoisie, were to completely eliminate the trade unions and workers’ parties and at the same time promised a new militaristic enforcement of German corporate interests. There was great financial and political support for this. Today we have a completely different situation.
Neither have the class contradictions become so acute that capital would have to consider a fascist “solution”, nor do fascists or even the AfD have a sufficient mass base. The AfD was able to increase its membership by a third to 40,000 last year, but this is neither a mass base nor would it be able to mobilize these members or their environment in the sense of fascist gangs such as the SA and SS, for example. The mass demonstrations of the last few weeks also give an indication of how the mass of the population would react to a real fascist threat.
However, the AfD is of course a very dangerous party because it succeeds better than all previous extreme right-wing parties in reaching the mass of the middle classes and the working class and spreading its racist poison. If it were to become part of a state government in the future, racist measures would be accompanied by harsh attacks on democratic rights and neoliberal policies. But experience from other countries shows that right-wing populist or far-right governments are not able to fully implement their propaganda because they have to acknowledge that the real power in capitalism lies in the boardrooms of the banks and corporations and that they are contained by this power – see the Meloni government’s stance on the EU or on the immigration of migrant workers.
Ban the AfD?
It is important to distinguish from which side this demand for a ban on the AfD comes. The SPD and the Greens in particular are trying to use this question to act as guardians of “democracy”. The SPD recalls its anti-fascist tradition from the fight against Hitler. Against the background of the catastrophic poll results for the Ampel parties, they see an opportunity to score points. Just like the corporate bosses, who are now increasingly speaking out, they are concerned with their own motives, their power tactics and class interests. They are concerned about the political stability of their system. With an ever stronger AfD, it will be increasingly difficult to form governments in the interests of big business. Too much open racism is also problematic against the background of the goal of recruiting hundreds of thousands of skilled workers. In addition, the anti-EU position of the AfD contradicts the interests of German capitalism, which needs the EU as a lever to assert its interests on a global scale.
On the other hand, there is the hope of many people who are now taking to the streets that a ban on the extreme right-wing party can be an effective means of mastering the danger it poses. But this path must be clearly warned, because it will not weaken the AfD but strengthen it and opens the door to arbitrariness.
There is a danger that the debate can boomerang.
On the one hand, a ban on the AfD would also facilitate repression against the Left. According to the motto: “Against the danger from the right and left.”
Above all, however, those who have fallen for the AfD will continue to be driven into its arms. It is clear to everyone that a ban is now being discussed at this point in time because their poll results have risen so much. Especially in eastern Germany, where there is a keen sense of democratic rules of the game due to experience with the bureaucratic methods of the former-Stalinist ruling party, the SED, there is a threat of a solidarity effect. The AfD is already using the debate and trying to present itself as a victim of the establishment. And it is precisely the anger at the establishment that the party lives on. Therefore, one must distance oneself from this establishment and its undemocratic methods. Ultimately, only clear socialist answers can show an alternative to the racist and nationalist agitation of the AfD and break away at least parts of its base. The push to ban the AfD distracts from the need to build this political alternative.
Next Steps
The demonstrations so far have been a big sign of rejection of the AfD. But this threatens to fizzle-out if many of the demonstrators do not continue to organize themselves and take a look at the causes of the AfD’s rise. A movement “only” against the AfD will not be successful. That is why places are needed where these questions can be discussed: local alliances, trade unions, the Left and organisations of social movements should organise events on this topic directly. A nationwide congress for activists could bring these discussions together and draw the necessary conclusions.
In order to confront the AfD, however, the social debates must also be shifted to the social problems and causes, and this requires class struggles. The clear rejection of the AfD and racism of any kind should be linked to the ongoing disputes in society: the current collective bargaining rounds, as well as the protests of the farmers. It would also be an opportunity to occupy the justified anger at the traffic light government from the left and to build a movement that also opposes the cuts of the federal government. A movement that focuses on the class interests of working people, regardless of their origin, and opposes them to the rich elite is the best medicine against racial division. Under the motto ##15vor12, the alliance “Cologne puts itself across” calls for a quarter-hour general strike against the right on 21 March. This points in the right direction and can trigger a necessary debate that the trade unions should use the strike as a means of political struggle. However, such a strike should also be directed against the social causes of the rise of the AfD, otherwise there is a danger that it will remain a purely symbolic action, which can also be safely joined by entrepreneurs and governments. Such a call would have to be accompanied by an education and preparation campaign in the companies in order to also reach the AfD voters among colleagues and union members. And, in this case, 15 minutes would be too little to actually use the time for debates in the companies and to make it clear that the unions are prepared to take on capital.
In the trade unions, we advocate taking the Cologne call as a starting point to enforce such a nationwide work stoppage with as far a political orientation as possible.
Nevertheless, the fundamental problem remains that the working class today does not have a mass party to express its interests. Building this, connecting the struggles in the here and now with the vision of a socialist democracy, will be the task of the next few years.
