Sri Lanka’s general election, held on 14 November, marked a breaking-point in the country’s political history. The National People’s Power (NPP) secured an extraordinary 159 seats, achieving a two-thirds majority in Parliament. This result shocked political observers and, most likely, the NPP itself.
Their campaign, markedly subdued compared to their vigorous presidential bid, featured fewer rallies, diminished grassroots mobilisation, and seemingly less enthusiasm from supporters. Yet, they won additional 1.2 million votes and achieved landmark victories across the country, including the North and East, traditionally dominated by Tamil and Muslim parties. This is the first time in Sri Lanka’s history that a mainstream political party has swept these regions during a general election.
Low Voter Turnout and Erosion of Right-Wing Support
The voter turnout of 68%—well below the historical average of 75%—was the third-lowest since Sri Lanka adopted the proportional representation system. Previously, similarly low turnouts were recorded during the 1989 JVP (Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna) insurrection (63.6%) and the immediate post-war 2010 election (61.26%). This drop reflects a deep disappointment among voters, particularly those who had supported the dominant right-wing parties in previous elections.
At the presidential election just two months ago, the SJB(Samagi Jana Balawegaya), Ranil Wickremesinghe, and the SLPP (Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna) collectively garnered over 52% of the vote. In the general election, their combined share plummeted to 25%. This dramatic decline underscores the public’s rejection of these parties, their neoliberal programs, and the entrenched political class. The SLPP now has three seats in the parliament. Traditional capitalist party Ranil Wickramasinghe’s group, UNP and NDF, has 5 seats.
The NPP capitalised on this sentiment among the masses and tied it up with their call to clean up parliament, striking a chord with voters fed up with political corruption and inefficacy. “225 Out” was one of the popular slogans during the election, as well demanding resignation of all the parliamentarians. What is expressed at the ballet box is an expression of anger and rejection of right wing elites.
This election also delivered a scathing indictment of Ranil Wickremesinghe’s IMF-driven economic agenda. None of the initial members of his cabinet ministers secured seats in parliament, including Kanchana Wijesekara, a prominent proponent of austerity measures. This result does not necessarily signal a nationwide rejection of IMF policies, but it reflects growing discontent with the hardships these measures have imposed on the working class. It also highlights a readiness among the public to explore alternatives.
The NPP and Minority Support
One of the election’s most striking outcomes was the NPP’s unprecedented success among ethnic and religious minorities. The party won decisively in the North, East, Hill Country, and urban areas with significant minority populations. This shift reflects a growing disillusionment with regional ethnic-based parties, plagued by internal divisions, policy ambiguity, and a perceived betrayal of their constituents’ interests. But we cannot call this a clean sweep, as all nine polling divisions the NPP lost are from the minority-dominated areas.
Despite this success, it is premature to declare an end to Tamil nationalist politics, as some NPP supporters claim. Just two months ago, a third of voters in the Jaffna District supported Ariyanethiran’s presidential bid – a Tamil “common Candidate” created by several civil groups – grounded in Tamil nationalist principles, even though he had no realistic chance of winning. This partly demonstrates that ethnic identity and self-determination remain critical issues for Tamil voters. It would be childish to believe all that has changed during the past two months.
The NPP’s success among minorities was likely driven by dissatisfaction with the regional political parties caused by infights, unreliability, not having proper political positions, or clarity on economic policy and so on. Within this chaotic background, the NPP appeared as a broader appeal as a party capable of addressing systemic corruption and inequality. However, this support presents both an opportunity and a challenge. To sustain it, the NPP must deliver tangible progress on the national question, including meaningful devolution of power as a start and recognition of the right to self-determination.
Opportunities and Challenges for the NPP
The NPP’s landslide victory grants it a historic opportunity to reshape Sri Lanka’s political and economic landscape. With a two-thirds majority in parliament and a public mandate for change, the NPP has no excuse not to pursue bold reforms that benefit the working class. It should begin implementing an emergency economic programme that could ease the situation of tens of thousands who are going through economic hardship.
They should also deliver on all democratic demands, including that of the Tamils and Muslims. They should immediately start demilitarising the North and East, release all the political prisoners held under the PTA, and put an end to the government-sponsored colonisation effort disguised as the restoration of religious and cultural sites, which has created unnecessary tension among the community. This is the only way they can build trust among the minority communities who have been treated differently for decades.
Furthermore, this would prevent the right-wing liberal parties such as SJB & NDF, from exploiting minority issues to mobilise them against their political opponents as they always did during the recent past.
But the key is to implement a programme focusing on public investment, social welfare, and industrial development that could address the pressing needs of the working class and marginalised communities. The business elites who manipulated the prices of necessities and the market for their own benefit at the expense of everyone else should not be able to do the same in the future.
However, internal contradictions within the NPP pose significant challenges. The presence of a right-wing faction within the party could hinder efforts to implement leftist policies. These tensions could become a battleground for the soul of the NPP, determining whether it can be seen to evolve into a genuine vehicle for genuinely radical, pro-worker policies and even as a vehicle for socialist change, as many of its voters hope for, or succumbs to the pressures of so-called capitalist “pragmatism” and compromise.
The Role of the Left and Organized Labour
In this new political landscape, the traditional right-wing parties appear unlikely to mount an effective opposition. Their ideological rigidity and inability to address the material concerns of the working class have rendered them obsolete. The rise of a populist right-wing movement cannot be ruled out but is also very unlikely, given the failures of the Gotabaya Rajapaksa administration.
This places the responsibility of resisting anti-worker policies and advancing the interests of the masses squarely on the shoulders of left-wing parties, trade unions, and socialists. The left must unite not just to provide a consistent critique of the NPP but to put forward a positive programme to advance workers, peasants, and youth interests. Trotskyists, in particular, have a critical role to play in organising resistance to neoliberalism and building a movement capable of achieving genuine socialist change.
The 2024 general election reflects a profound yearning for change among the Sri Lankan people. The NPP’s victory, while historic, is only the beginning. Not only should all the democratic demands of the masses be delivered but going further to far reaching long lasting economic changes. There should be a public debate in terms of what is socialist policies are and how that can be achieved. Workers must play a key role in terms of determining policies. We must oppose any attempt to curtail workers’ actions or union rights. And at the same time we must fight to bring more power into the hands of workers by establishing workers’ committees in workplaces and bringing them together nationally. Such a body will be a powerful tool for change.
