The election victory of Donald Trump opens a new era internationally, and domestically in the United States. This election win is not merely a changing of the guard at the White House. Although the US has had right-wing presidents in the past, for example, Ronald Reagan, who presided over a neo-liberal onslaught, including brutal attacks on the trade unions, which he tried to cripple, Trump’s new regime will be of a different order in an entirely different world situation. This is the first time that a populist anti-globalist protectionist has won the White House since William McKinley’s two victories in the 1890s, but who was assassinated in 1901. It is also the first non-consecutive second term victory since Grover Cleveland in 1892 whose presidency then lasted from 1893-97.
Trump’s win will have a decisive impact on the domestic situation and on the geo-political struggle unfolding between rival imperialist and capitalist powers. The working class and socialists must be prepared for the storm that is already crashing down on society to intensify in the coming months and years.
Like the COVID pandemic, the new Trump regime will act as a great accelerator on all of the existing trends, contradictions and conflicts currently unfolding under capitalism in its protracted death agony. World events will now be marked by ‘pre-Trump’ and ‘post-Trump’ benchmarks.
Trump and the Republicans scored crucial victories winning the presidency, the Senate and the House of Representatives, and has a right-wing dominated Supreme Court to back the regime of key issues. Trump increased his support amongst the black American population and especially amongst Latino voters. This result will undoubtedly embolden Trump as he takes office in January 2025. He is likely to attempt to rapidly introduce a series of brutal measures and wreak revenge on his opponents.
Workers and young people around the world look with trepidation at what the new Trump regime will usher in and what the future holds in store. Some see his victory as a fascist triumph. Fascism represents a particular mass movement with a varied ideology whose aim is to atomise the working class and crush its organisations. Trump’s victory does not represent the coming to power of a fascist regime in the US. However, it does represent the coming to power of a particularly right-wing nationalist, protectionist regime – one that will include aspects of Bonapartism, of repression, rule by presidential decree, and a further weakening of democratic rights for the American people.
Aspects of Bonapartism
Some of these features are already illustrated by Trump’s actions since winning the election. His flirting with “recess appointments” for nominees for key government posts, thereby bypassing checks and balances by the Senate, illustrate this. The character of the Trump 2 regime he is attempting to put together will be politically harder than that of Trump 1. This time he is aiming to ensure the key government positions are handed out to hardline loyalists who are committed to do his bidding. He is proposing his vengeful attack dogs form the core of a regime that will attempt to enact their reactionary programme and policies. Tulsi Gabbard is proposed as Director of National Intelligence and known for her sympathies to Syria’s Bashar al-Assad and Putin in Russia. Like a political seesaw, she has swung from being national vice chair of the Democrats, backing Bernie Sanders in 2016, to denouncing Islamic extremism and joining the Republicans and backing Trump.
Peter Hegseth, a Christian fundamentalist and former commentator on FOX news, nominated as Secretary of Defence, argued on a podcast, “Any general, any admiral…that was involved in diversity equity and inclusion programmes or woke shit has to go.” He is also a hardline hawk on China and Iran, like Marco Rubio who is nominated as secretary of state.
Trump 2 will aim to turn important capitalist institutions upside down and pack them with Trump supporters. In Trump’s sights are the American military, the leading universities, the Federal Reserve, the justice system, and the environmental agency. In this process, Trump hopes to carry through a purge of thousands of his opponents, who he calls the “enemy within”.
Reports are already circulating that Trump plans to establish a “warrior board” empowered to force out senior military officers and replace them with Trump loyalists. Project 2025, a right-wing conservative Christian fundamentalist plan produced by the think tank, The Heritage Foundation, is in the mix, and many of its reactionary right-wing proposals are likely to be attempted to be implemented by Trump’s regime.
The character of the new Trumpist regime reflects a decisive change that has taken place in the Republican Party. The old guard, representing key sections of the traditional US ruling class, has largely been ousted but has some elected senators and in the House. That section of the ruling class has lost control of the Republican party to Trumpism. Amongst its base are now to found supporters of conspiracy theories, such a reflected in the ideas of such groupings like QAnon, many of whose ideas have moved from the political fringe to the centre stage of the political establishment. QAnon seems to have ceased to operate but the ideas it defended are now embedded in some sections of US society.
Trump has the backing of a section of the new “masters of the universe” in the tech sector, epitomised by Elon Musk, and also the oil industry. It is a oligarch government of a section of billionaires. The character of Trump’s regime will be shaped by this section of the ruling class which is now to be embedded in the government, illustrated by Musk’s appointment to head a new Government Efficiency Commission. How far he can carry through his objective of slashing government departments and agencies to the bone remains to be seen.
An explosive central issue is that of migration and Trump’s threat to deport millions of undocumented illegal migrants using the military and setting up special camps. Should this policy be enacted it will provoke a massive, highly polarised social explosion, quite possibly of a violent character.
Cost of living crisis
Trump’s election victory followed Biden’s four-year term in which inflation surged, and the mass of the working class and big sections of the middle class saw living standards stagnate or fall. The alleged growth of the US economy has meant little or nothing for the mass of the working class. Grocery prices are up 20% and housing costs have soared. The growth has been of the character that has increased inequality. The Democrats offered nothing to the working class but more of the same and won their support from big sections of the wealthier middle class – at a time when the mass of US society was demanding change. The election reflected a protracted decline of the standard of living of the working class in the US. The Federal minimum wage has not been increased since 2009. Wages have effectively been stagnant for 50 years. While in the 1940s, 90% of Americans grew up earning more than their parents today less than 40% think they will be better off than their parents.
The Trump victory was a cry of desperation. Although of a reactionary character it also reflected a demand for change and not more of the same which Harris was offering. Trump’s vote was 76.9 million compared to Harris’s 72.4 million. He won 74.2 million in 2020. Yet Biden won 81.3 million in 2020. The Democrats haemorrhage saw a loss of approximately 6.9 million votes. The election result was a revolt against the failure of the Democrats to usher in change and a loss of confidence that the Democrats could offer anything on the economy.
Biden’s stance on the war being waged against the Palestinian people also resulted in thousands being alienated from the Democrats. Trump ironically promised to end the Ukraine war within 24 hours of assuming the Presidency and a speedy end to the Gaza conflict, allowing him to be seen as the “peace” candidate. Harris’s campaign, in essence, was reduced to denouncing Trump as a crook but offered nothing.
The significance of Trump’s win should not be underestimated. However, it is not the whole story of what the situation is in US society. Only 47% of over 18s are registered to vote. There is massive alienation from all of the institutions through which capitalism rules in the US. Around 37% of those registered say they are “independent” and not aligned to either the Democrats or Republicans. In many states that voted for Trump, like Arkansas, proposals to back abortion and increase the minimum wage were carried. Even in Florida, 57% voted for a pro-abortion proposal and to increase the minimum wage. The former was only defeated because to be approved 60% of the vote is necessary.
Strikes in run up to election
Significantly, in the run up to the election a number of important strikes took place by workers at Boeing, and by dockworkers and car workers. Usually, the trade union bureaucracy is able to avoid strikes during the election period by playing the “lesser evilism” card, which spectacularly failed this time. Reflecting the combative mood of workers in these sectors, the union leadership was compelled to take action. This is an anticipation of the battles that will develop in the coming period including under Trump.
His likely lurch to even more protectionism and raising tariffs will result in layoffs of workers in some sections of the economy. This may lead to Trump regime to introduce some form of stimulus at some point. Reflecting the growing class polarisation within the US, support for trade unions is higher than it has been for decades. According to one Gallop poll, 70% approve of trade unions. New layers are beginning to be drawn into the union, for example, at some Amazon depots and car plants in the southern states. But even where union recognition has been won, often the employers refuse to negotiate.
However, the trade union bureaucracy has failed to capitalise on this mood to the extent that is possible. Trade union density is weaker than it has been for 100 years.
Trump is coming to power against the background of a highly polarised social situation. The deep social and class divisions that exist are set to intensify as he attempts to drive through his threatened programme.
The explosive cocktail that is being prepared in his declared objective of deporting millions of undocumented and illegal migrants that will rip families apart. It will take the migration issue directly into the workplace. This can provoke a massive social upheaval and explosion potentially dwarfing the mass movement that erupted in the Black Lives Matter movement. Other important social and class issues can also trigger social unrest and movements This can involve some of those who voted for and supported Trump in this election. From those voters who lent their support to Trump as a desperate cry of rage for change can come some of the most determined working-class fighters.
Those on the petty bourgeois left who arrogantly dismiss all Trump voters as the “ignorant” working class from rural backwaters fail to grasp what is taking place in US society. The lack of a mass party of the working class meant that a social revolt by many against the rich “elite” found no other road to channel its anger and frustration than by voting for Trump. When Bernie Sanders challenged Hillary Clinton in 2016, tens of thousands initially supported Sanders but when he dropped out of the race and supported Clinton, many of them switched to Trump. Those on the “Left” like Bernie Sanders are in great part responsible for this because they remained within the Democrat’s remit and channelled the deep discontent which exists into the Democratic Party and support for Biden and later Harris.
Trump’s electoral victory however is not a one-off development. The emergence of Trumpism and also far right populism will be present after Trump’s departure, as long as it is not challenged. His vice-presidential running mate, JD Vance, can play a central role in this in the coming months and years. He is a convert to Roman Catholicism and associated with “Catholic Integralism”, which aims to bring its populist reactionary agenda into politics and state institutions. To challenge Trumpism a new powerful mass movement and political alternative of the working class is essential.
As the social and political crisis deepens in the US, Trump will run into obstacles and won’t get it all his own way. Even at this early stage, it is possible that divisions could open within the Republican party, for example, over some of the nominees he is putting forward for key government positions.
Trump and Vance have laid stress on the idea of “Maga” – “Make America Great Again” as s a movement. This is clearly part of building on Trump’s support to mobilise outside the frame-work of the Republican Party, if necessary.
Geo-political conflicts
The epic battles and conflicts that are looming domestically in the US under Trump’s regime will be mirrored by the geo-political conflicts and tensions which are taking place globally.
The capitalist classes globally are shaken by Trump’s victory, which often they did not anticipate. The coming to power of his protectionist, nationalist regime will have a qualitative impact on the world situation.
Economically, should Trump proceed with the introduction of even higher tariffs, as he has threatened – 100% on Chinese EVs and 60% on other goods – and up to 20% on all other imports – the world will be plunged into a devastating intensified trade war. Combined with continued massively high levels of debt and an unstable financial market, the scene will be set for Trump’s policies to hasten the onset of a world economic recession or depression and a financial crash. Even if Trump draws back from imposing protectionist measures to the degree that he has threatened, some measures will be undoubtedly introduced. These will have a decisive impact on geo-political relations and on political and class polarisation. This is certain to have explosive consequences on the class struggle. In some countries it could stun the working class, as mass layoffs and attacks take place. Yet politically it can radicalise and polarise the situation still further.
Scott Bessent, Trump’s nominated treasury secretary, has described tariffs as a “useful tool” in negotiations with other countries, implying some doubt about Trump imposing such a dramatic rise in tariffs. In response, Trump has now declared that he will immediately impose a 25% tariff on goods from Canada and Mexico and 35% from China. The relocation of substantial sections of US industry nearer to home is one factor why Mexico is being targeted by Trump. Should Trump proceed with his threats they will have major implications on existing trade agreements. It throws into doubt the future of the trade agreement between the US, Mexico and Canada (USMCA). It would also effectively bury the free trade agreement embedded in NAFTA. China, Mexico and Canada are the biggest trading partners of the US, accounting for US$830 billion of US exports and US$1.423 trillion of US imports in 2022.
EU and US clashes
The prospect of sharper divisions and clashes between the EU and the US is already developing but would accelerate in such a situation. It can also lead to greater splits and divisions within the EU. Hungary already is at loggerheads with the EU, as Orban’s right-wing populist regime looks towards both Russia and China. China has become Hungary’s main trading partner. The process has gone so far that joint police patrols in Hungary are planned between Hungarian and Chinese police. The recent election in Romania, where a far-right populist pro-Putin candidate took the lead in the first round, illustrates the complications and divisions which can open up. Even Britain, under Labour prime minister, Starmer, is attempting to develop relations with China, which is a potential source of conflict with the US under a Trump regime.
These processes are unfolding as the EU’s main power, Germany, has been in recession for two years and is now in a major political crisis reflected in political fragmentation. The Bundestag is currently a seven-party parliament, although this could change after next February’s early election. The EU is a low growth region and is being dragged down by its main power, Germany. Some countries outside the EU can grow faster than those inside, which can put pressure on the euro.
The crisis unfolding in China, and in preparation for what the Trump regime may launch against China, in the form of high tariffs, has been a factor pushing the Chinese regime to announce a US$1 trillion “stimulus” package. Most of it is being directed to cover the explosion of debt which has engulfed local and provincial councils. Social and political upheavals there will be central to world events in the new era capitalism is now in.
The economic collision between a declining US imperialism and a rising China is certain to intensify under Trump. This can increase the prospect of it escalating into military clashes in the South China Sea. It can also increase the prospect of China taking action against Taiwan, especially as Trump has questioned the US’s preparedness to defend Taiwan in the event of an attack by China. The Xi regime in Beijing has, thus far, increasingly tried to strangle Taiwan through blockades and incursions, which may be stepped up rather than direct military invasion, although this could change.
Ukraine and Middle East wars
This conflict is in addition to the two major wars that are being fought in the Ukraine and Middle East. Both have assumed global dimensions, as the main powers, and others, are involved in one form or another in these wars.
The replacement of Israel’s Defence Minister has shifted the centre of gravity in Netanyahu’s regime even further to the right. The blitzkrieg unleashed in northern Gaza is nothing less than a policy of driving out the Palestinians and enforcing a programme of ethnic cleansing. This is being accompanied by a vicious wave of repression and slaughter in the West Bank. Netanyahu’s actions in Palestine and now in Lebanon has the objective of establishing a ‘Greater Israel’ and with Israel as the dominant power in the region. This involves attempting to drive out the Palestinians possibly into Egypt, Jordan or elsewhere, smashing Hamas and Hezbollah, sending Israeli settlers into Gaza, and re-occupying southern Lebanon. The Netanyahu regime is enacting the objectives laid down in Likud’s (Netanyahu’s party) founding programme. In addition to this, a regime change in Iran is in Netanyahu’s sights.
Trump seems to want an early end to this war and the war in Ukraine, so that the US can concentrate on combating China. The numerous phone calls between Trump and Netanyahu since winning the election and the intensified attacks by Israel point to Trump giving the green light to Netanyahu to proceed with his objectives and to end the conflict, as soon as possible. It is not an accident that Israel’s bombardment in northern Gaza and Lebanon have been stepped up since Trump won the election.
Although Israel has militarily weakened Hezbollah and Hamas they still exist. Iran’s proxy forces in Yemen and Iraq are attacking US troops in Iraq and elsewhere. It is not excluded that Trump will attack the Houthis in Yemen even harder. This and the prospects of further exchange of fire with Iran means the prospect of the war developing even further into a full regional conflict is not excluded. Should further attacks be launched against Iran, it is highly possible Tehran will shift its nuclear programme to acquiring nuclear weapons. Should it do so, it could not be excluded that Saudi Arabia would follow suit.
At the time of writing, it appears that a sixty day ceasefire in Lebanon is a possibility, although this is not certain. This involves Hezbollah withdrawing its heavy weaponry north of the Litani river, which is 16 miles from Israel’s border. Southern Lebanon would then be policed by the Lebanese army and a UN peacekeeping force. A similar agreement was made in the 2006 ceasefire. This would represent a defeat for Hezbollah, at this stage, but would not resolve the conflict as the breakdown of the 2006 agreement illustrated.
Further crucial changes in the geo-political situation in the whole region are also developing. One of the most significant is the role of Saudi Arabia. Previously allied with US imperialism, a crucial change is beginning to take place. China is now the main trading partner with Saudi Arabia. As a result, the Saudi regime is asserting itself more independently from the US. The brutality of the genocidal war being waged by Israel has had a pronounced effect on the very youthful Saudi population, which the regime, out of fear of the mood amongst the population, is compelled to reflect. Crucially, the first steps towards some repproachment between Sunni Saudi Arabia and Shia Iran is at an early stage, with a series of meetings taking place between these two powers. How far this develops is unclear at this stage but what has taken place is very significant. It is part of an entirely new world order that is unfolding that is shattering the former world order established after the Second World War, and after the collapse of the former USSR and other Stalinist states in Eastern Europe in 1991/2.
The possibility of the current war extending to a full regional war (already there is fighting in Yemen, Syria, Iraq, Lebanon, Gaza and thus far limited exchanges between Iran and Israel) would have a big impact on the world economy.
At the same time the war in Ukraine is set to intensify. North Korea now has 10,000 troops preparing to fight alongside the Russian army. Up to 100,000 may be made available. An estimated 50,000 Russian and North Korean forces are currently in the Kursk Oblast preparing a major offensive to drive out Ukrainian troops from Russian territory. It is against that background that Biden, during the dying embers of his presidency, has authorised the use of US long range Atacam missiles by Ukraine to attack the Russian and Korean troops. This move, backed up by the British government, which has authorised the use of Storm Shadow missiles, has escalated the conflict. Now that they have been used, Russia for the first time has fired new highly developed missiles into Ukraine.
Putin claims that Russia is now fighting NATO forces. NATO weapons are arming Ukrainian soldiers yet Ukraine is rapidly losing ground in the east Donbas region. The “meat grinder” is reportedly costing Russia an estimated 1,500 deaths or serious injuries per day. Putin is desperately recruiting mercenaries from around the world, including from countries such as Sri Lanka to do his fighting.
Russia is likely to respond to the use of US and British missiles targeting Russia itself by increasing its cyber or “hybrid” warfare against NATO countries. Other acts of sabotage or even assassinations have already been undertaken and are now likely to increase. The West claims that Russia has already attempted the assassination of the CEO of a German arms manufacturer.
Putin has also raised the spectre of responding to new NATO enabled missile attacks by supplying missiles of a similar character to forces like the Houthis, in Yemen, to use against US military targets and interests.
Ominously Putin’s regime has now also changed its “nuclear doctrine” lowering the threshold when it could use its nuclear arsenal. Should Russian forces be badly hit by US or British missiles, it is not excluded that Putin, out of desperation, could resort to using a ‘tactical nuclear weapon’ or other weapon of mass destruction. The severity of the escalation of this war should not be underestimated.
Trump is likely to reduce or cut weapons to Ukraine when he takes power. This and the lack of forces to strengthen the Ukrainian army, could force Zelensky to the negotiating table and to formally accept a “peace agreement” – one that is beneficial to Putin particularly in the Donbass and eastern Ukraine. However, any “peace agreement” will not resolve the conflict which would continue, possibly at a lower intensity. Similarly, in the Middle East, any temporary ceasefire will not resolve the conflict.
Capitalism is incapable of resolving any of these or other conflicts which take place around the planet, particularly in Africa. They are a product of capitalist society.
The geo-political struggle is taking place at the beginning of a new era of the international world order. The epicentre of it is the decline of US imperialism and the rise of China. The distinct outline of a clash between two main blocks – the US, Japan, Europe, Canada, Australia and some others – against those countries aligned with China and its weaker partner Russia, has been evolving. However, this can change with the coming to power of Trump and can lead to multiple unstable blocs and groupings emerging. Within these blocs, tensions and divisions are certain to develop. Australia at the G20 summit made clear its intention of maintaining its crucial trade links with China in a rebuff to Biden and the US. Trump will probably try to lure Putin away from China, which will further fuel tensions between European powers and the US.
BRICS
The recent extended summit of the Brics, involving over 30 countries, was very significant. Pakistan, Turkey, Sri Lanka, Ethiopia, Iran, Malaysia and others were present at the summit, with some applying to join the Brics. Putin raised the idea of trade between these countries not being conducted in the US dollar but in local currencies, which was an attempt to weaken the grip of the US$. This was not agreed at the summit partly because Brazil, due to its ties with the US, is cautious about the Brics evolving into an anti-western imperialism alliance. However, this is a distinct possibility in the coming months and years, at least involving some member states of the Brics, and is a further indication of the decline of US imperialism. It is not excluded that from the Brics some “anti-Western” grouping emerges in collision with one or more Western imperialist grouping.
Other potentially decisive changes are also taking place within some of the existing blocs. A tentative repproachment has begun between India and China, which may lead India further away from its balancing between the US and China.
The conflicts and tensions that exist and are set to intensify and are already leading to the beginning of renewed nuclear arms race. Global military spending is at an all time high. The nuclear arms agreements to limit the expansion of nuclear weapons and securing their reduction, following the collapse of the USSR in 1991, have all fallen, one after another. By 2026, New Start, the last brick in the edifice, will expire. This will leave Russia and the US with no legal restrictions on their nuclear arsenals for the first time in fifty years.
The last nuclear arms race was fundamentally between two powers – the US and the then USSR. A new nuclear arms race will not be a repetition of this. A new one will be of a multi-state component, involving the US, Russia, China, North Korea and potentially others like Iran and Saudi Arabia joining other countries, like Pakistan, India and Israel. This does not mean that an all-out nuclear war which would destroy the entire social system is posed at this stage. It does however raise the possibility of a rogue state resorting to the use of a tactical nuclear weapon or other horrific weapon of mass destruction during a conflict should it deem this in its best interest to do so.
Uprisings
Asia, Africa and Latin America face a catastrophe which can only worsen in the coming period. The scale of what threatens in terms of poverty, famine, and ethnic and national conflict are unprecedented, all of which will be re-enforced as the environmental crisis devastates areas of the globe. The desperate situation in many countries and the ruling classes’ fear of a mass explosion of anger has led to the adoption of some brutal repressive methods being deployed by the ruling elites. This is reflected in Nigeria and now also in Pakistan. The prospect of even bigger social uprisings than we saw from 2018 onwards in Latin America, Asia and Africa, is posed in the coming period. Yet the lack of organisation and leadership and the lower level of political consciousness than during previous decades means that the character of the social explosions and the direction they can travel in is uncertain.
Those uprisings we have already seen, in many cases, did result in the removal of the established regimes. This was eventually the case electorally in Chile and also in Sri Lanka. However, the Boric led government in Chile rapidly capitulated to capitalism and by doing so demoralised big sections of society, leading to an electoral revival of the right due to the lack of any powerful alternative of the working class. It will require a series of struggles and mass movements to forge a new generation of workers and youth who begin to draw the conclusions of what is needed to transform society, to take the movement to a lasting victory by overthrowing the ruling class.
As the tragic events in Spain in Valencia have shown, numerous social issues can trigger mass movements. In Valencia it was the climate crisis, which is engulfing the world, that triggered a mass social movement. The accelerating global climatic crisis must now be factored into all economic, political and geo-political perspectives. The recent COP29 summit again showed the incapacity of capitalism to resolve the catastrophe it has created.
In Spain, the fury was directed at all the political parties, the leaders and the monarchy – much of the key institutions through which capitalism rules. Both the king and the Spanish president were driven off the streets of Valencia by the masses. After the flooding, the masses took matters into their own hands and organised brigades of workers, and especially young people, to organise help and support and to begin to clean up affected areas. Dubbed the “broom and shovel generation”, thousands came forward to support and aid all those affected by the devastation. An embryonic collective social consciousness developed, and local committees organised what the state failed to do. This shows in microcosm how consciousness can be shaped and affected by events, as has been shown in other situations. However, to fully develop to its maximum potential, a party, socialist programme and mass organisations of struggle are necessary and need to be built.
In Sri Lanka, the recent elections and coming to power of the National People’s Power (NPP) marks an historic break with the past. It includes the wiping out of all of the former parties and the coming to power of the JVP-led NPP. Unprecedently, even in the Tamil areas the NPP scored massive votes.
The leadership of the new NPP government intends to follow the path of Boric and capitulate to the IMF and capitalism. Whether the NPP government is able to do so given the massive pressure it is under from the masses and the euphoric expectations which exist, is an open question at this stage. Under mass pressure it is not excluded that the NPP could turn to China for financing and some concessions, especially if the IMF maintains its hardline conditions. The explosive situation means that as in many countries of the neo-colonial world a new, uncertain era has begun. As in all countries, the central question is whether the working class and masses can enter the struggle and build a political alternative with a programme for the socialist revolution and to break with capitalism.
The working class and socialist revolution
2023 saw the working class in a number of countries move into industrial struggle on a bigger scale than has been the case in the recent period. This was still at an early stage of mass industrial struggles but indicates what can develop in the coming period.
A global political vacuum exists. In the absence of an alternative being offered by the working class and its most politically conscious layers this can be filled by various unstable and unpredictable individuals and forces, as has already been seen in the US, Brazil, India and elsewhere.
As this new era unfolds, a new layer of young workers, students and the oppressed will begin searching for an alternative to the dystopian era that global capitalism is now in. Support for the ideas of revolutionary socialism and a party, which are more relevant today, can be harnessed and a new generation won to bold Marxist ideas and the struggle to overthrow capitalism. These ideas will be crucial in assisting a broader layer of the working class and oppressed masses to be won to the idea of a socialist alternative. This is the only road to escape the horrors that global capitalism offers today.
